Dear #WhiteTooLong readers,

If you’re like me, I’m feeling very conflicted about July 4th this year. With the most recent revelations of the House select committee investigating the Jan. 6 Capitol riot still ringing in our ears, and the shocks to our judicial system by an uninhibited, ideologically driven U.S. Supreme Court still resonating, the normal rituals of Independence Day celebrations feel empty. The bands will play. The fireworks will rise. But our democracy remains fragile, and our future feels uncertain.

I’m sharing, for the first time on Substack, a piece I wrote last year about the deeper roots of our national discontents. But before I get to that, if you are looking for something today that is patriotic in a different vein, let me recommend an Independence Day Teach-In on Frederick Douglass’s 1852 speech, “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July,” by my friend and colleague Jemar Tisby.

Footnotes by Jemar Tisby

AUDIO: "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?": An Independence Day Teach-In

Listen now (57 min) | I have a BLAST doing these teach-ins and listeners seem to find them helpful, too. If you’d like to see more please subscribe to my newsletter today…

7 months ago · 11 likes · 1 comment · Jemar Tisby

On this Independence Day, may we all cling to a patriotism that loves America enough to hold it accountable to its best principles rather than one that celebrates its embodiment of our worse fears.

Let’s Celebrate this Fourth of July without the Myth of White Christian Innocence

Note: This article was originally published on July 2, 2021. I’m grateful to RNS for permission to repost it in full here exclusively for #WhiteTooLong Substack readers.

As we begin our Fourth of July celebrations this weekend, our red and blue divides will likely be as much on display as the traditional bunting and flags that unite these colors along city streets across the nation.

Fourth of July fireworks over Washington. Photo courtesy of Creative Commons.

While we primarily think of these divides as partisan, they run much deeper than politics. They stem from two distinct and incompatible worldviews imported to the Americas from Europe between the 15th and 19th centuries.

One worldview, drawing on Enlightenment ideals and an egalitarian reading of the Bible that later animated the abolitionist movement, is encapsulated in the words from the Declaration of Independence: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights.”

While that remarkable founding document has its flaws — it refers to Native Americans as “merciless Indian Savages” and did not extend these rights to other non-European peoples or women — Americans have continued to broaden its core principle to include all people.

Share

But there is an older, competing worldview that still haunts American culture, living on in the presumptions, if not the conscious minds, of many white Christian Americans. Known as “the Doctrine of Discovery,” it claims that European civilization and Christianity were superior to all other cultures, races and religions.

The doctrine has its roots in a series of 15th-century papal bulls, which merged the interests of European colonialism, including the African slave trade, with Christian missionary zeal. The most relevant edict for the American context was issued by Pope Alexander VI in May 1493, with the express purpose of validating Spain’s ownership of “undiscovered” lands in the Americas following the voyages of Christopher Columbus the year prior.

Related

White Too Long by Robert P. Jones

Columbus Day or Indigenous Peoples' Day? The Damaging Christian "Doctrine of Discovery" at the Heart of the American Identity Crisis

ICYMI, last week I published a deeply personal column at TIME, reflecting on the ways that the “personal relationship with Jesus” motif of my Southern Baptist upbringing discipled me to be blind to racial injustice all around me. If you missed the column at…

a year ago · 2 likes · 1 comment · Robert P. Jones

That history may seem irrelevant to us today, but in giving Europeans a divine right to seize the lands of non-Christian peoples anywhere in the world, it furnished the foundational lie that America was “discovered” and enshrined the innocence of “settlers” in the story white Christian Americans told about themselves.

If Europeans were superior to all others, enslavement and colonial conquest were merely the means of improving the temporal and eternal lot of Indigenous peoples. So conceived, no actual atrocities could possibly tilt the scales of justice against these immeasurable goods.

Far from irrelevant, this attitude has chased us through American history to this day. It was used by Thomas Jefferson as president to justify the Louisiana Purchase and violence toward Native Americans in that territory. It was formally incorporated into U.S. law in Johnson v. M’Intosh in 1823, which held, by unanimous decision, that the expulsion of Native Americans from their lands was justified by “the character and religion of its inhabitants… the superior genius of Europe… (and) ample compensation to the (Native Americans) by bestowing on them civilization and Christianity, in exchange for limited independence.”

Our continued reliance on that legal precedent was the key reason that the U.S. was one of only four countries, out of 147, to vote against the adoption of the Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples at the 2007 United Nations General Assembly.

Culturally, this doctrine of white Christian supremacy continues to threaten the promise of equality and American democracy. These competing ideals are colliding like tectonic plates, pushing the contradictions into bold relief. We saw Barack Obama, the nation’s first Black president, followed by the ascension of Donald Trump, who repeatedly questioned the authenticity of Obama’s Christian faith and citizenship, and who nearly 6 in 10 Americans believed was actively encouraging white supremacist groups at the end of his term.

An image of the late Georgia Congressman and civil rights pioneer U.S. Rep. John Lewis is projected on to the pedestal of the statue of confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee on Monument Avenue, Wednesday, July 22, 2020, in Richmond, Va. The statue has become a focal point for the Black Lives Matter protests in the area. (AP Photo/Steve Helber) — An image of the late Georgia Congressman and civil rights pioneer U.S. Rep. John Lewis is projected onto the pedestal of the statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee on Monument Avenue, Wednesday, July 22, 2020, in Richmond, Va. The statue has become a focal point for the Black Lives Matter protests in the area. (AP Photo/Steve Helber)

We’ve seen Black Lives Matter countered by Blue Lives Matter; the 1619 Project rebutted by Donald Trump’s 1776 Project; and the successful removal of 160 Confederate monuments nationwide in 2020 answered with coordinated fanatical denunciations of “critical race theory” by white evangelical and Republican leaders.

In 1852, in one of the most important speeches in our nation’s history, Frederick Douglass asked a pointed question to his mostly white audience, “What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July?” Pointing out the particular pain that the oblivious white celebration of lofty ideals inflicted on African Americans, Douglass declared, “I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary!… This Fourth (of) July is yours not mine.”

In essence, he was declaring — as many Black civil rights leaders following him have done — that the Fourth of July had become more a celebration of the domination justified by the Doctrine of Discovery than the liberation imagined by the Declaration of Independence. He was struggling with whites’ assertions that they were the superior race and European Christianity the pinnacle of human civilization.

Today, though few would publicly affirm the troubling tenets of the Doctrine of Discovery, a significant number are still possessed by the spirit of white Christian innocence. But it was always the former that justified the latter. If we find white Christian supremacy indefensible, we also must relinquish the claims to innocence it supported.

This surrender, of course, is daunting to those of us who consider ourselves white and Christian. Fears about lifting this veil are the reasons why our fiercest conflicts today involve history. Nearly 40 years ago, James Baldwin put his finger on the pulse of such fears: “The real terror that engulfs the white world now is a visceral terror…. It’s the terror of being described by those they have been describing for so long.”

Share

It’s time to exorcise the ahistorical notion of white Christian supremacy and innocence. Patriotism is not the purview of those who see a white Christian America as the divinely ordained end of human achievement. We can no longer sustain its mythical vision of God and country where white Christians are always heroes, inheriting and defending America as their own divinely ordained promised land.

This Fourth of July, we have an opportunity to celebrate patriotism differently — as a passion for the democratic ideal of equality and a commitment to narrowing the gap between that ideal and our lived reality.

Leave a comment

ICYMI, here’s my take on the U.S. Supreme Court’s dangerous attempt to codify a 1950s White Christian America as the legal benchmark for what counts as the “history and traditions” of the United States.

White Too Long by Robert P. Jones

This Supreme Court's Dangerous Vision of "History and Tradition"

Dear White Too Long readers, I’m guessing most of you, like me, are reeling from the flood of political news over the last few weeks, including stunning hearings by the House select committee investigating the Jan. 6 Capitol riot and tidal wave of decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court…

7 months ago · 9 likes · Robert P. Jones

White Too Long by Robert P. Jones

Let’s Celebrate this Fourth of July without…